| Research in Comparative
| ISSN 1745-4999 | ||
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Volume 3 Number 1 2008 | |||
Other issues available | Journal home page | Publisher home page | |||
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CONTENTS [click on author's name for abstract and full text] | |||
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SPECIAL ISSUE | |||
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Education and Intra-alliance Conflict: contrasting and comparing popular struggles in apartheid South Africa and Palestine |
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doi:10.2304/rcie.2008.3.1.5 |
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Much recent research has been directed at illuminating the role of education in major conflicts between ethnic groups. It is increasingly well understood that education does not necessarily have a positive, peace-supporting influence, but that the wrong kind of education can serve to reinforce divisions. However, in many conflicts there are multiple fault lines. Even if one central antagonism between two broad groupings can be identified, numerous tensions and divergent interests may exist within each of these groupings. This study examines the hypothesis that the notion of the ‘two faces of education’ extends to such ‘conflicts within the conflict’. In other words, with regard to tensions within groups on the ‘same side’, education and schooling may also serve either as a unifying force or as a cause of violent disagreement – or both at the same time. This article presents the results of extracting both kind of themes – education as divisive or unifying – from a thorough review of the literature on two case studies: South African education during the anti-apartheid struggle, and the development of Palestinian education in exile and under occupation. While significant differences exist, there are also some common patterns, such as the use of educational privileges to co-opt part of the opposition, the continuation of educational class differentials within broad alliances during and after conflict, and the role of ambiguity in educational discourse in opposition. Both cases support the conclusion that education and schooling can play an ambivalent role at all levels of complex conflicts, and that research on ‘education and conflict’ cannot afford to ignore this complexity. |
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Sri Lanka: in peace or in pieces? A Critical Approach to Peace Education in Sri Lanka |
doi:10.2304/rcie.2008.3.1.19 |
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This article seeks to explore the ‘two faces of education’ through a critical analysis of peace education in Sri Lanka. It aims to contribute to the wider debate on the complex role of education in situations of conflict. The article starts with an overview of what peace education is, or should be. This leads to the conclusion that peace education cannot succeed in isolation, and needs to be incorporated in a multilevel process of peacebuilding. Further analysis draws from Bush & Saltarelli’s notion of the ‘two faces of education’, combined with Lynn Davies’s notion of ‘war education’. These notions help to explain to what extent (peace) education in Sri Lanka contributes to positive or negative conflict, or, in other words, which one of the two ‘faces’ is most prominent. The positive side of education is employed through inter-group encounters, the stimulation of self-esteem and a ‘peaceful school environment’. Through dialogue and understanding, these initiatives stimulate a desegregation of a very segregated school system and society. However, these positive initiatives remain limited. Other, more structural issues, tend to work towards the negative face of education, by fostering segregation, fear and bias rather than counteracting them. These issues form pressing challenges for peace educators and policy makers in Sri Lanka. Critically informed research and evaluation should provide guidelines for well-thought through peace education initiatives, by working towards a combination of critical theory and problem-solving approaches to deliver both critical and hands-on guidelines for further peace education initiatives. |
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Multiculturalism is Dead: long live community cohesion? A Case Study of an Educational Methodology to Empower Young People as Global Citizens |
doi:10.2304/rcie.2008.3.1.36 |
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This article explores the theme of the ‘two faces of education’ by reviewing new policy directives in the United Kingdom to strengthen community cohesion in schools and their communities. These directives have resulted from growing disaffection with the aims and outcomes of multiculturalism. This article will investigate the ways in which this disaffection has resulted in both ‘quick fix’ politicised solutions, and in more genuine attempts to support young people to develop positive relationships with people from different ethnic backgrounds. It will suggest that whilst inequalities of educational outcome for different ethnic groups persist, schools will continue to be part of the problem, hence the second link with the theme of two (or more?) faces of education. In order to become part of the solution, schools internationally will need to adopt much more creative and complex approaches to the reduction of racism and inequality than those currently being proposed by the UK Government. A case study of an approach that has been used in many countries of the world, including Brazil and Canada, to engage young people in open dialogue, and to develop empathy and critical thinking is provided. The case study from a multi-ethnic college setting within the Midlands, United Kingdom, will illustrate how young people can be enskilled and empowered to consider key debates that have relevance to their lives as global citizens living in a culturally diverse community. |
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The Two Faces of Empowerment in Conflict |
doi:10.2304/rcie.2008.3.1.50 |
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This article problematises Bush & Saltarelli’s call for a new and comprehensive peacebuilding education which empowers children through demonstrating that alternatives to conflict exist, that they have choices and the capacity to change their own and their society’s situation. It does so by exploring the various possibilities for empowerment available to young Bhutanese refugees living in Nepal, which are advanced by agencies administering services in the refugee camps and promoted by refugee political groups. Fieldwork demonstrates that some children simultaneously engage in humanitarian agency projects, which promote human rights and peaceful values, and with political groups advocating violence. Through their participation in agency projects, children learn awareness-raising methods, such as poetry and street theatre, which they also employ in their work with political groups. This article will consider the relationship between children’s empowerment through their involvement in agency-initiated non-formal education projects and their engagement in violent political activities, suggesting that, like education, empowerment may show two faces in situations affected by conflict. |
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Education for Demilitarizing Youth in Post-Conflict Afghanistan |
doi:10.2304/rcie.2008.3.1.65 |
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This article examines both the largely negative role that education has played historically in contributing to conflict in Afghanistan and the ways that education has been purposefully employed as a post-conflict strategy aimed at building peace and social cohesion. The growing attention among academics and policy makers to the role of youth in post-conflict contexts, and the urgent need to reintegrate ex-combatants has led to the implementation of educational programming directed at Afghan youth as a central part of the country’s Demobilization, Demilitarization, Reintegration (DDR) effort. Drawing on the author’s field research and experience working on literacy programming for youth and adults in Afghanistan, this article investigates how the unfulfilled aspirations and needs of a ‘lost generation’ of young Afghans have been addressed within DDR processes. It argues that the adoption of a more dialectic approach to the educational programming provided through DDR – one that engages with and offers alternatives to education’s previously negative manifestations – may offer more potential than current programming. |
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Political Peace – Educational War: the role played by international organisations in negotiating peace in the Balkans and its consequences for education |
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GWYNETH OWEN-JACKSON Department of Education, The Open University, Milton Keynes, United Kingdom |
doi:10.2304/rcie.2008.3.1.79 |
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The number of countries involved in conflict appears to be growing. Global awareness of these conflicts grows as the increasing use of weblogs and mobile phone videos, alongside traditional technologies, demonstrates the day-to-day effects of conflict on those caught up in it. International organisations are drawn into negotiating ‘peace settlements’ and into monitoring post-conflict developments due to this growing global awareness of conflict and due to the influences of globalisation, increasing economic interdependence and other factors. International organisations, including the World Bank and agencies of the United Nations, try to find common ground between opposing factions in conflict situations in order to broker peace. This is not an easy task and compromises often have to be made. Peace agreements and settlements also need to take account of how the parties will work together in the future, and therefore, these may include aspects of educational provision. This article describes the role played by international organisations in negotiating the peace agreement that brought about the end of the conflict in the countries of the former Yugoslavia in 1995. It goes on to illustrate the consequences for education of this peace agreement and suggests that, whilst international organisations may have brokered peace on the streets, the opposing factions are continuing their war in the terrain of continuing educational conflicts, due at least in part to structures for educational provision laid out in the Dayton Agreement. The article provides support for Bush & Saltarelli’s claim that education has two faces, and argues that in this case, unfortunately, the negative one predominates. |
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Differentiation, Development, (Dis)Integration: education in Nepal’s ‘People’s War’ |
doi:10.2304/rcie.2008.3.1.91 |
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A violent conflict between Maoist insurgents and the national government has engulfed Nepal for most of the last decade, a situation that has been complicated by deep-seated instability at the highest levels of the government itself. Even with the declaration of a ceasefire in 2006, violence endures in pockets of lawless banditry and unrest at the hands of separatist groups. During the conflict, education and schools played a central role, with issues such as the neglect of rural schools, the right to mother tongue education, and the expansion of private schooling figuring prominently in the Maoists’ list of grievances. Both sides used intimidation and violence to gain support from rural schools, which acted as one of the lone advocates of community interests during the upheaval. This article argues that throughout the conflict formal education in Nepal has simultaneously presented many faces: on one hand it contributed to the conflict by reinforcing social inequalities while on the other it mitigated the effects of the conflict by maintaining social cohesion and mediating between opposing sides. In other cases it seemingly did both at once: acting as an egalitarian force by expanding basic education and literacy at an astounding rate while simultaneously excluding certain groups from sharing the benefits of the country’s development. Building upon the work of Bush & Salterelli, the article shows that in the case of Nepal education presents not two but many faces that are highly contextual and remain relevant in the post-conflict environment. |
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